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The individuals who could prove uninterrupted presence within the territorial confines of Israel between the Declaration of Independence in and the Ratification of the Nationality Law in were granted Israeli citizenship. Therefore, according to Israeli jurisdiction, the Palestinians who were expelled or went into exile in neighboring countries are not considered Israeli citizens. The right of return for the refugees is at the heart of the Palestinian claims but the chances that it be considered favorably by Israeli negotiators are slim.


The Circassian community cannot but define its identity thanks to solidarity and identification practices. These identification practices have led the Circassians to make difficult choices that have an ongoing impact on their daily life and cause frustration.

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Indeed, while the Israeli Circassians are treated quite differently from the Palestinians, they are still denied full citizenship and are often victims of discrimination. I interviewed a resident of Reyhaniya, whose husband holds a high-ranking position in the army and who sees herself as a full-fledged Israeli; she told me:.

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We travel a lot and when we fly abroad, we fly out of Tel-Aviv, like everyone else. When we go through the security check, problems often arise. Last time, an eighteen-year-old kid asked us to show our identity cards. She was all smiles, but we gave her our IDs and when she saw our names on them, her smile disappeared. For an eighteen-year-old Israeli, our name sounds very Arabic. She asked us to wait and called her manager. Her manager arrived and asked what the problem was.


She handed him our identity cards and gave our name. He first asked us where we were going, for what purpose, for how long. X could have been his superior; he apologized. X and I, or the kids, we all look Israelis; I am blond and everyone always thinks I am Ashkenazi, and we speak perfect Hebrew, like all Israelis Unlike the Arab-looking people, we rarely get checked at the security, but when we do get checked and when the security agents see our names, we have the same problems as the others.

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In November , the Israeli daily newspapers reported on a two-week strike well featured in the media organized by the Druze and the Circassian municipal councils. Their representatives demanded that their councils be granted the same status as the Israeli councils. Ariel Sharon, then Prime Minister, committed to contribute fifty million shekels.


In February , the Druze and Circassian education sectors went on strike to ask for a budget increase and to demand that the promises made in November be fulfilled. The agreements passed at the time were signed by Minister of Finance Silvan Shalom and Minister of the Interior Eli Yishai but only a third of the funds were transferred and the Druze and the Circassian towns once again implemented austerity measures the following year. At the same time, the municipality councils of Israeli Palestinians also went on strike.

Sometimes, the various groups within the non-Jewish sector join forces to move the negotiations forward, even if the latter are specific to each group.

The effects of all these movements and trends on Arab-Israeli identity reveal an increasingly complex picture. A series of surveys conducted by Sammy Smooha in , Arab-Jewish Relations Index, revealed that more than half of the population surveyed felt estranged by Israel and considered Israel as a Zionist state to be racist.

The sentiments expressed in these surveys, in combination with growing discontent over the level of government services provided, have caused Arabs to disassociate themselves from Israel. Many now seek to associate themselves with the Palestinian national identity, while demanding greater cultural autonomy and collective rights within Israel proper.

Arabs in Israel | My Jewish Learning

The political status and national identity of Arabs in modern Israel is a riddle that remains unsolved. Arabs are neither assimilated into mainstream Israeli society, nor do they aspire to be fully integrated. They are neither promised, nor completely denied equal rights.

Some have joined their futures with Israel; whereas others have united with the Palestinian sphere.

Their course is ultimately dependent on the unfolding of the Palestinian-Israeli peace process and other regional developments. Modern Israel. Israel History. We use cookies to improve your experience on our site and bring you ads that might interest you. Read our Privacy Policy to find out more. Arab-Israeli women stting at the beach in Tel Aviv. The Arab Population of Israel In there were over 1. Join Our Newsletter Empower your Jewish discovery, daily.

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The Israeli Palestinians

Discover More. Israel History Jews and Arabs in British Mandate Palestine During the interwar period, the two populations struggled to lay claim to the land. The result is a meticulously organized monograph that allows the reader to proceed easily through decades of complex history and to begin to appreciate the role of interlocking conflicts in creating and maintaining minority status for Arabs in Israel.

The author concludes the book with a chapter that ties together the main themes raised in the body of the text and articulates a theory of interlocking conflicts that could easily be applied to minority politics elsewhere in the world. This dramatically colors how one views the construction of Arabs as a minority population by the Israeli state. On the one hand, scholars often tend to erase the differences between these two groups that have arisen out of the historical processes since However, demanding a strict analytical separation between the two reinforces the idea that Palestinians i.